I ily accept tto, -- "t gover is best which
gover"; and I so see it acted up to more rapidly
and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which
also I believe, -- "t gover is best
all"; and he kind of
gover best but an
expedient; but most govers are usually, and all govers are
sometimes, inexpedient. tions w
against a standing army, and ty, and deserve
to prevail, may also at last be broug a standing
gover. tanding army is only an arm of tanding
gover. t itself, whe
people o execute to be
abused and perverted before t t. itness
t Mexi ively a few individuals
using tanding gover as tool; for, ihe
people ed to this measure.
t -- but a tradition, though a
ret one, endeav to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity,
but eat losing some of its iy? It the
vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man bend
it to is a sort of o the people
t it is not the
people must ed macs
din, to satisfy t idea of gover whey have.
Govers shus how successfully men be imposed on, even
impose on tage. It is excellent, we
must all allo t never of itself furthered any
enterprise, but by ty got out of its way.
It does not keep try free. It does not settle t. It
does not educate. ter in in the Ameri people has
done all t would
more, if t sometimes got in its way. For
gover is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in
letting one anot is most
expedient, t let alone by it. trade and
erce, if t made of India rubber, would never manage
to bounce over tacles inually
putting in to judge these men wholly by
ts of tions, and not partly by tentions,
to be classed and punishose mischievous
persons rus on the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, uhose who
call t men, I ask for, not at ono
gover, but at once a better gover. Let every man make
kno
ep toaining it.
After all, tical reason whe power is on
ty are permitted, and for a long
period tio rule, is not because t likely to be
in t, nor because t to ty, but
because tro. But a gover in
be based on justice,
even as far as men uand it. t be a gover in
virtually decide rig
sce? -- in ions to
izen ever
for a moment, or in t degree, resign o the
legislator? we
s, and subjects after is not desirable to
cultivate a respect for t. the only
obligation o assume is to do at any time w
I t. It is truly enoug a corporation has no
sce; but a corporation of stious men is a corporation
more just; and, by
means of t for it, even the well-disposed are daily made
ts of injustice. A on and natural result of an undue
respect for la you may see a file of soldiers, el,
captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and all, marg in
admirable order over o t their wills,
ay, against t very
steep marcation of t.
t t it is a damnable business in whey are
ed; t are they?
Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of
some unscrupulous man in po the Navy Yard, and behold a
marine, su make, or suc
make a man s black arts -- a mere shadow and reminisce
of y, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one
may say, buried under arms s, t
may be
"Not a drum e,
As o t we hurried;
Not a soldier disc
Oer t;
tate t as men mainly, but as
mading army, and the
militia, jailers, stables, posse itatus, etc. In most cases
tever of t or of the moral
sense; but t th and
stones; and will serve
t traw
or a lump of dirt. t of h only as horses
and dogs. Yet suceemed good
citizens. Ot legislators, politis, lawyers,
ministers, and office-ate cheir
ins, they are as
likely to serve t intending it, as God. A very
fes, martyrs, reformers in t sense, and
men, serve tate heir sces also, and so necessarily
resist it for t part; and treated as
enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will
not submit to be "clay," and "stop a o keep t;
but leave t office to at least:--
"I am too o be propertied,
to be a sedary at trol,
Or useful serving-man and instrument
to any sn state t t;
irely to o them
useless and selfis ially to them is
pronounced a beor and p.
bee a man to beohis Ameri
govero-day? I ans disgrace be
associated . I ot for an instant reize t
political anization as my gover whe slaves
gover also.
All men reize t of revolution; t is, t to
refuse allegiao, and to resist, t, ws
tyranny or its inefficy are great and unendurable. But almost
all say t suc t suchey
tion of 75. If oell me t this
because it taxed certain fn odities
brougo its ports, it is most probable t I s make an
ado about it, for I do their
fri; and possibly to terbalahe
evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But
o s mae, and oppression and
robbery are anized, I say, let us not have such a mae any
longer. In otion of a nation
o be ty are slaves, and a
ly overrun and quered by a fn army,
and subjected to military la it is not too soon for
men to rebel and revolutionize. makes ty the
more urgent is t t try so overrun is not our own,
but ours is the invading army.
Paley, a on auty ions, in his
cer on t;Duty of Submission to Civil Gover," resolves
all civil obligation into expediency; and o say t
"so long as terest of ty requires it, t is,
so long as tablis ot be resisted or ged
publiveniency, it is t the
establis be obeyed, and no longer.... this principle
being admitted, tice of every particular case of resistance
is reduced to a putation of tity of the danger and
grievan ty and expense of
redressing it on t; Of this, he says, every man shall
judge for Paley appears o emplated
to ly, in which
a people, as tp:// do justice, cost
may. If I ly ed a plank from a dro
restore it to o Paley,
. But would save his life, in such a
case, s. t cease to o
make cost tence as a people.
In tiations agree does any one
t Massacts does exactly
crisis?
"A drab of state, a clot,
to rain borne up, and rail in t."
Practically speaking, ts to a reform in Massacts are
not a is at t a hundred
ts and farmers erested in
erd agriculture ty, and are not
prepared to do justice to to Mexico, cost may.
I quarrel not home,
co-operate
o say, t
t improvement is slohe
fe materially ter t is not so
important t many s there be some
absolute goodness somehe whole lump.
to slavery and to the
do noto put ao them; who,
esteeming ton and Franklin, sit down
s, and say t t w
to do, and do notpoion of freedom to
tion of free-trade, and quietly read t
alo advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may
be, fall asleep over t is t of an
man and patriot to-day? tate, and t, and
sometimes tition; but t and h
effect. t, o remedy the
evil, t t tret. At most, they give
only a ce, and a feeble tenand Godspeed, to the
rig goes by ty-nine
patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal
empuardian
of it.
All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon,
moral tio it, a playing and wrong,
ions; aing naturally apa. the
cer of ters is not staked. I cast my vote, perce,
as I t; but I am not vitally ed t t right
so leave it to ty. Its
obligation, t of expediency. Even
voting for t is doing not. It is only expressing
to men feebly your desire t it should prevail. A wise man will
not leave t to t to prevail
ty. t little virtue in
tion of masses of men. y s lengte
for tion of slavery, it hey are
indifferent to slavery, or because t little slavery left
to be abolise. the only slaves.
Only e en tion of slavery ws his
own freedom by e.
I ion to be Baltimore, or elsewhere,
for tion of a didate for the Presidency, made up chiefly
of editors, and men I think,
to any indepe, intelligent, and respectable man w
decision to? S age of his
t upon some
indepe votes? Are t many individuals in try
tend ventions? But no: I find t table
man, so called, ely drifted from ion, and
despairs of ry, wry o despair
of s one of tes ted as
t he is himself available
for any purposes of te is of no more h
t of any unprincipled fner or ive, who may
. Oh for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor
says, pass your hand
tatistics are at fault: tion has been
returoe. o a square thousand
miles in try? America offer any
i for men to settle o
an Odd Fellow -- one w of his
an ariousness, and a ma lack of intelled
d chief , on ing
into to see t the almshouses are in good repair;
and, before yet o collect a
fund for t of t may be; who, in
s veo live only by tual Insurance
pany, wo bury ly.
It is not a mans duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself
to tion of any, even t enormous wrong; he may
still properly o e is his
duty, at least, to was, and, if no
t longer, not to give it practically . If I devote
myself to ots and plations, I must first see, at
least, t I do not pursue tting upon another mans
s get off , t he may pursue his
plations too. See ency is tolerated. I
o;I so hem
order me out to doion of to
marexico; -- see if I ;; ahese very men have
eacly by tly, at least, by
titute. the soldier is applauded who
refuses to serve in an unjust refuse to
sustain t gover whe war; is applauded by
t and auty s at naught;
as if tate ent to t degree t it o
sce it not to t degree t it left off
sinning for a moment. the name of Order and Civil
Gover, last to pay o and support our
oer t bluss indifference;
and from immoral it bees, as it quite
unnecessary to t life which we have made.
t and most prevalent error requires t
disied virtue to sustain it. t reproaco which
tue of patriotism is only liable, t
likely to incur. ter
and measures of a gover, yield to it their allegiand
support are undoubtedly its most stious supporters, and so
frequently t serious obstacles to reform. Some are
petitioning tate to dissolve to disregard the
requisitions of t. dissolve it
tate -- and
refuse to pay ta into its treasury? Do not tand in
tion to tate, t tate does to the Union?
And ted tate from resisting the
Union, ing tate?
isfied to eain an opinion merely, and
enjoy it? Is t in it, if he
is aggrieved? If you are ced out of a single dollar by your
neig rest satisfied you are
ced, or you are ced, or even h
petitioning o pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at
oo obtain t, a you are never ced
again. A from principle -- tion and the performance
ions; it is essentially
revolutionary, and does not sist whing which was.
It not only divides states and c divides families; ay, it
divides ting the
divine.
Unjust la; sent to obey them, or shall we
endeavor to amend til we have succeeded, or
sra once? Men generally, under such a
gover as t t to until they have
persuaded ty to alter t, if they
s, t it is
t of t itself t the
evil. It makes it more apt to anticipate and
provide for reform? not cs y? hy
does it cry a before it is ? not ence
its citizens to be on t to point out its faults, and do
better t would always crucify C,
and exunicate Copernicus and Luton
and Franklin rebels?
One a deliberate and practical denial of its
auty emplated by gover;
else, assigs defis suitable and
proportionate, penalty? If a man
oo earn e, in prison for a
period unlimited by any la I knoermined only by the
discretion of t if eal
imes e, ted to
go at large again.
If tice is part of tion of the
mac, let it go, let it go; perc will wear
smootainly t. If tice has
a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a k, exclusively for
itself, t be
if it is of sucure t it requires
you to be t of injustice to anothe
la your life be a ter fri to stop t
I o do is to see, at any rate, t I do not lend myself to
the wrong which I n.
As for adopting tate has provided for
remedying t of sucake too much
time, and a mans life tend
to. I came into t ake this a good place
to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man
everyto do, but somet do
everyt is not necessary t hing wrong.
It is not my busio be petitioning the
Legislature any more t is to petition me; and if they
s ition, his
case tate s very stitution is the
evil. to be ubborn and unciliatory;
but it is to treat most kindness and sideration the
only spirit t appreciate or deserves it. So is an ge for
tter, like birthe body.
I do not ate to say, t themselves
Abolitionists s once effectually ,
boty, from t of Massacts,
and not till titute a majority of one, before they
suffer t to prevail t it is enough
if t ing for t other one.
Moreover, any man mitutes a
majority of one already.
I meet t, or its representative, the
State gover, directly, and face to face, once a year -- no more
-- in ts tax-gathe only mode in which
a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says
distinctly, Reize me; and t, t effectual, and,
in t posture of affairs, t mode of
treating on ttle
satisfa , is to deny it then. My civil
neigax-gato deal h --
for it is, after all, t I quarrel
-- and arily co be a of t.
he
gover, or as a man, until o sider wher he
sreat me, , as a neighbor
and urber of the peace,
and see if over tru to his neighborliness
a ruder and more impetuous t or speech corresponding
ion? I kno if ohousand, if one
en men wen men only --
ay, if one man, in tate of Massacts, ceasing to
ually to nership, and
be locked up in ty jail t ion
of slavery in America. For it matters not he beginning
may seem to be: we love
better to talk about it: t we say is our mission. Reform keeps
many scores of nes service, but not one man. If my
esteemed es ambassador, we his days
to ttlement of tion of s in the cil
Cead of being tened he prisons of Carolina,
o sit dots, t State which is
so anxious to foist ter -- t
present s of inality to be the
ground of a quarrel ure wholly
ter.
Under a gover rue place
for a just man is also a prison. to-day, the only
place wts has provided for her freer and less
desponding spirits, is in o be put out and locked out
of tate by , as t t
by t is t tive slave, and the
Mexi prisoner on parole, and to plead the wrongs
of separate, but more free and
ate places t h
against ate in which a
free man abide their influence
t the ear of
tate, t t be as an enemy s hey
do not kner than error, nor how much
more eloquently and effectively injustice who has
experienced a little in your a
strip of paper merely, but your wy is
poo ty; it is not even a
minority t it is irresistible s whole
ive is to keep all just men in prison, or
give up ate ate wo
c to pay tax-bills this
year, t be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be
to pay tate to it violend shed
i blood. t, tion of a peaceable
revolution, if any sucax-gatherer, or any
ot;But w shall I
do?" my ans;If you really hing, resign your
office." he officer
ion is aplis
even suppose blood s a sort of blood shed
whis wound a mans real
manality flo, and o an everlasting
deathis blood flowing now.
I emplated t of ther
the same
purpose -- because t t right, and
sequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, only have
not spent mucime in accumulating property. to sucate
renders paratively small service, and a sligax is to
appear exorbitant, particularly if to earn it by
special labor here were one who lived wholly
tate itself e to demand
it of t to make any invidious parison
-- is alo titution which makes him rich.
Absolutely speaking, tue; for money
es betains them for him; and
it ainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many
questions o answer; whe
only neion s is t superfluous one, how
to spend it. taken from under .
tunities of living are diminision as w are
called t;means" are increased. t thing a man do for
ure o carry out those
scertained he
o tion. "She
tribute-money," said ook a penny out of ;
-- if you use money w, and which
and valuable, t is, if you are men of the
State, and gladly enjoy tages of Caesars gover, then
pay ; "Reherefore
to Caesar t hings which are
Gods" -- leaving to which was which;
for t wiso know.
of my neighbors, I perceive
t, tude and seriousness of
tion, and tranquillity, the long
and t of tter is, t t spare the
prote of ting gover, and the
sequeo ty and families of disobedieo it.
For my o, I s like to t I ever rely on the
prote of tate. But, if I deny ty of tate
s its tax-bill, it ake and e all my
property, and so end. this is
impossible for a man to live ly, and at
time fortably in outs. It be h
to accumulate property; t o go again.
You must somew a small crop, and
eat t soon. You must live hin yourself, and depend upon
yourself alucked up and ready for a start, and not have many
affairs. A man may grow ricurkey even, if he will be in all
respects a good subject of turkis. fucius said,
"If a state is governed by ty and
misery are subjects of sate is not governed by the
principles of reason, rics of s;
No: until I te of Massacts to be exteo
me in some distant Sout, wy is endangered, or
until I am bent solely on building up ae at home by peaceful
enterprise, I afford to refuse allegiao Massacts, and
to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense
to incur ty of disobedieo tate t o
obey. I s case.
Some years ago, tate met me in behe Church, and
anded me to pay a certain sum to of a clergyman
never I myself. "Pay," it
said, "or be locked up in t; I deed to pay. But,
unfortunately, anot to pay it. I did not see whe
scer saxed to support t, and not the
priest ter: for I tates scer, but
I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see whe
lyceum s present its tax-bill, and ate to back
its demand, as t of the
sele, I desded to make some sucatement as this in
ing:-- "Knos, t I, horeau,
do not ed society
; to town clerk; and he has
it. tate, I did not wiso be
regarded as a member of t church, has never made a like demand on
me si said t it must ado its inal
presumption t time. If I o hem, I should
tail from all ties which I never
signed on to; but I did not knoe list.
I ax for six years. I into a jail
on t, for one nigood sidering the
o the door of wood and
iron, a foot ting , I
could not ruck institution
ed me as if I were mere fleso be
locked up. I it s lengt
t use it could put me to, and to
avail itself of my services in some , if there was a
ooill more
difficult oo climb or break t to be
as free as I for a moment feel fined, and the
e of stone and mortar. I felt as if I
alone of all my to know
o treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In
every t and in every pliment they
t t my co stand t
stone but smile to see riously they
locked tations, w again
let or was
dangerous. As t reaco punish
my body; just as boys, if t e at some person against
ate
ed, t it imid as a lone h her silver
spoons, and t it did not knos friends from its foes, and I
lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.
tate never iionally fronts a mans sense,
intellectual or moral, but only is not
armed or y, but h superior physical
strengt born to be forced. I er my own
fas us see . force has a
multitude? than I.
to bee like t hear of men being
forced to by masses of men. sort of life
to live? a gover ;Your
money or your life," o give it my money?
It may be in a great strait, and not knoo do: I ot help
t. It must self; do as I do. It is not he while
to snivel about it. I am not responsible for the successful w
of ty. I am not the engineer. I
perceive t, fall side by side, the
one does not remaio make both obey
t they ,
till one, percroys t
ot live acc to its nature, it dies; and so a man.
t in prisoing enoughe
prisoners in t-sleeves he
evening air in tered. But the jailer said,
"e, boys, it is time to lock up"; and so they dispersed, and I
eps returning into tments.
My room-mate roduced to me by t;a first-rate
fello; he door was locked, he showed me
ers the rooms
, he
, most simply fur apartment
io know where I came from, and
w brougold him, I asked him in my
turn o be an man, of
course; and, as t;; said he,
"t I never did it." As near as
I could discover, o bed in a barn when drunk,
and smoked . he
reputation of being a clever man, hs
ing for rial to e on, and as much
longer; but e domesticated and tented, since
t reated.
if one
stayed to look out the
s t there, and
examined w, and we
ory of ts
of t room; for I found t even ory and a
gossip he jail.
Probably town where verses are
posed, ed in a circular form, but not
publise a long list of verses which were
posed by some young men ed in an attempt to
escape, whem.
I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should
never see at length he showed me which was my bed,
a me to blo the lamp.
It ravelling into a far try, such as I had never
expected to beo lie t. It seemed to me
t I never orike before, nor the evening
sounds of t he windows open, which
ing. It o see my native village in the
ligurned into a Rhine
stream, and visions of knigles passed before me. they
I reets. I was
an involuntary spectator and auditor of wever was done and said
in tc village-inn -- a wholly new and rare
experieo me. It ive town. I was
fairly inside of it. I never s institutions before.
ts peculiar institutions; for it is a sown. I
began to pre its inants .
In ts the
door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a
pint of ce, hey
called for to return w
bread I ; but my rade seized it, and said t I should
lay t up for luncer out to work
at every day, and
be back till noon; so he
doubted if he should see me again.
of prison -- for some oerfered, and paid
t tax -- I did not perceive t great pla
t in a youth and emerged a
t and gray- a y eyes e
over toate, and try -- greater than
any t mere time could effect. I sa more distinctly the
State ihe people among whom
I lived could be trusted as good heir
friends t greatly
propose to d tinct race from me by their
prejudices and superstitions, as t
in to y, t even to
ty; t after all t so they
treated treated tain
outicular
straigime to time, to save their souls.
to judge my neig many
of t a titution as the jail
in their village.
It om in our village, wor
came out of jail, for ao salute him, looking
to represent ting
of a jail ;; My e
me, but first looked at me, and t one another, as if I had
returned from a long journey. I into jail as I o
to get a s out
t m, I proceeded to finis
on my mended sy, to
put t; and in he
ackled -- of a huckleberry field,
on one of our ate was
nowo be seen.
tory of "My Prisons."
I ax, because I am as
desirous of being a good neig;
and as for supp sc to educate my
fellorymen no is for no particular item in tax-bill
t I refuse to pay it. I simply o the
State, to and aloof from it effectually. I do not
care to trace till it buys a
man or a musket to s one -- but I
am ed to trace ts of my allegiance. In fact, I
quietly declare ate, after my fashough I will
still make age of her I , as is usual
in such cases.
If otax why
ate, t heir own
case, or rat injustice to a greater extent the
State requires. If tax from a mistaken i in the
individual taxed, to save y, or prevent o
jail, it is because t sidered wisely
te feelings interfere he public good.
tion at present. But one ot be too
mu be biased by
obstinacy or an undue regard for t him see
t belongs to o the hour.
I times, hey are only
ignorant; tter if they knehy give your
neigo treat you as t ined to? But I
they do, or
permit oto suffer mucer pain of a different kind.
Again, I sometimes say to myself,
, ill- personal feeling of any kind, demand
of you a fey, sucheir
stitution, of retrag or altering t demand, and
ty, on your side, of appeal to any other
millions, e force? You
do not resist cold and hus
obstinately; you quietly submit to a ties.
You do not put your o t just in proportion as I
regard t partly a human force,
and sider t I ions to to so many
millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see
t appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from to the
Maker of to t, if I
put my ely into to fire
or to to blame. If I
could vince myself t I to be satisfied h men
as to treat t acc, in
some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of hey and
I ougo be, talist, I should
endeavor to be satisfied is the
ween
resisting te or natural force, t I
resist t; but I ot expect, like Orpo
cure of trees as.
I do not ion. I do not wish
to split o make fine distins, or set myself up as
better ther, I may say, even an excuse
for ing to t too ready to
to to suspect myself on this
ax-gatherer es round, I find myself
disposed to revies and position of tate
ity.
"e must affect our try as our parents,
And if at any time e
Our love or industry from doing it honor,
e must respect effects and teache soul
Matter of sd religion,
And not desire of rule or be."
I believe t tate o take all my work
of t out of my ter a
patriot trymen. Seen from a lo of view,
titution, s faults, is very good; the
courts are very respectable; even tate and this Ameri
gover are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things,
to be t many
seen from a point of vietle I have
described till, and t, who shall
say t or thinking of
at all?
does not me much, and I shall
besto possible ts on it. It is not many moments
t I live under a gover, even in this world. If a man is
t-free, fancy-free, imaginatio w never
for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers
ot fatally interrupt him.
I kno most men tly from myself; but those
o tudy of these or
kindred subjects, tent me as little as any. Statesmen and
legislators, standing so pletely itution, never
distinctly and nakedly be. ty, but
ing-place it. tain
experiend discrimination, and ied ingenious
and even useful systems, for w all
t and usefulness lie ain not very s.
t tet t t governed by polid
expediency. ebster never goes be, and so ot
speak y about it. o those
legislators e no essential reform in ting
gover; but for te for all time,
t. I knohose whose serene
and ions on ts of
ality. Yet, pared he cheap
professions of most reformers, and till cheaper wisdom and
eloquence of politis in general, the only
sensible and valuable hank heaven for him.
paratively, rong, inal, and, above all,
practical. Still, y is not prudehe
larut trut sistency or a sistent
expediency. trut
ed co reveal tice t may sist h
wrong-doing. o be called, as he has been called,
titution. to be
given by defensive ones. a leader, but a
follower. ;I have never made an
effort," ;and never propose to make an effort; I have never
tenanced an effort, and never mean to tenan effort, to
disturb t as inally made, by whe various
States came into t; Still tion which
titution gives to slavery, ;Because it
of t -- let it stand." Notanding his
special aess and ability, o take a fact out of
its merely political relations, and be as it lies absolutely
to be disposed of by tellect -- a
beo do o-day o slavery,
but ventures, or is driven, to make some suswer as
to speak absolutely, and as a
private man -- from w new and singular code of social
duties mig;t; says ;in whe
govers of tates ulate it
is for tion, uy to their
stituents, to ty, y, and
justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from
a feeling of y, or any otever to
do . t from me, and
t;
trutraced up
its stream no and, and and, by the
stitution, and drink at it ty; but
t es trig into t
pool, gird up tiheir pilgrimage
tos fountain-head.
No man ion has appeared in America.
tory of tors,
politis, and eloquent men, by t the speaker has
not yet opened o speak he
mus of ts own
sake, and not for any trut may utter, or any
may inspire. islators yet learive
value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a
nation. talent for paratively humble
questions of taxation and finance, erd manufacturers and
agriculture. If solely to t of legislators
in gress for uidance, uncorrected by the seasonable
experiend tual plaints of the people, America would
not loain ions. Fhteen hundred
years, t to say it, testament
te wor who has wisdom and
practical talent enougo avail w sheds
on tion?
ty of gover, even suco submit
to -- for I er
ther know nor do so
ill an impure oo be strictly just, it must have
tion and sent of t
over my person and property but o it. the progress
from an absolute to a limited monarced monarco a
democracy, is a progress torue respect for the individual.
Even tard the
individual as the empire. Is a democracy, such as we
kno, t improvement possible in gover? Is it not
possible to take a step furtowards reizing and anizing
ts of man? there will never be a really free and
enligate until tate es the individual
as a power, from ws own power and
auty are derived, and treats him accly. I please myself
ate at least to all
men, and to treat t as a neighbor; which
even t insistent s own repose if a few
o live aloof from it, not meddling , nor embraced by
it, wies of neighbors and fellow-men. A
State to drop off as
fast as it ripened, ill more perfect
and glorious State, yet anywhere
seen.
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